Volume 18, 1-2 (2025) of EJM published

Volume 18, 1-2 (2025) of EJM was published. It contains eight scientific articles, four chronicle articles and one review: biblioscout.net/journal/ejm/18/1-2

A Few Leaves: the EU and the Protection of National Minorities

Kardos, Gábor

Original language: English
EJM 2025, pp 7-18
doi.org/10.35998/ejm-2025-0002

At the daily level, the European Union is excluding the protection of national minorities from its collective consciousness, convincing itself that it cannot allow to be distracted from the real problems. The majority of the Member States fear that their power-sharing structures, which have been painstakingly negotiated, will be ´interfered with´ by the EU institutions. The Commission fear this issue is a fuse with the potential to destroy unity. Article 2 of the Treaty on European Union and Article 3 (3), Article 19 (1) and Article 167 of tre Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union can serve as good starting points to rethink the issue. There is a room for the EU Court of Justice to recognize the protection of national minorities as a general principle of the EU law. Since the possible enlargement of the EU must be accompanied by institutional reforms, this would provide the opportunity for the EU to address this issue, especially because of the historical experiences and recent events in Western Balkan and in Ukraine.

Georgia and Georgians – Some preliminary remarks

Arens, Meinolf

Original language: German
EJM 2025, pp 19-24
doi.org/10.35998/ejm-2025-0003

The article gives a synthetic overview of the most important stages of Georgian history. It highlights the influence of various major powers, including the Roman Empire, Byzantium, and the Ottoman Empire, on the region’s history. The Georgian Orthodox Church played a significant role in unifying Georgian societies. In the 15th century, the old unified Georgian kingdom disintegrated into several kingdoms and territories, which also resulted in the conversion of parts of the population to Sunni Islam. The annexation of the area by the Russian Empire between 1800 and 1878 led to economic modernisation and intellectual developments, which also led to the emergence of national movements in the 19th century. Their aim was to create ethnically homogeneous nation-states, which characterises minority policy in Georgia and Turkey to this day.

From ethnic nationhood to political citizenship? An introduction to the history and present of Georgia’s minorities

Reisner, Oliver

Original language: German
EJM 2025, pp 25-49
doi.org/10.35998/ejm-2025-0004

The paper is introducing the history and contemporary state of minorities in Georgia as a multinational state. Building on two concepts, the ethno-culture understanding of nation (“ethnos”) and the civic one, the individual minority groups with their main characteristic traits and their relationship to the dominant group of Georgians is presented and discussed. One important characteristic trait is the historical location of Georgia at the edge of empires (Iran, Turkey, Russia), where the peripheral status impacts on the concept of nations and the resources at their disposal. Especially the path-dependency of the Soviet nationality policy in the post-Soviet period is discussed in the second part. In conclusion there are also – due to the latest political developments of mass protests against the drifting of the of the currently majority party “Georgian Dream” towards authoritarianism – elements of civic nation building are increasing that also do support a better integration of minorities.

The Role of Formal and Informal Institutions in Political Participation and Electoral Behavior of Ethnic Minorities. The Case of the Azerbaijanis in Georgia

Kalatozishvili, Aleksandra; Pavlenishili, Nino

Original language: English
EJM 2025, pp 50-89
doi.org/10.35998/ejm-2025-0005

The paper studies political and electoral behaviour of ethnic Azerbaijanis in Georgia’s Kvemo Kartli region that is home to the largest compact settlement of the respective ethnic group in Georgia, constituting 41,75 % of the local population. The region is located in the southeast Georgia and borders Armenia and Azerbaijan. It is worth noting that the largest compact settlement of ethnic Azerbaijanis within the region is Marneuli municipality, where this community makes up 83.10 % of the local population.. The paper aims to define the level of participation in socio-political processes, highlight factors behind political and electoral behaviour, identify qualifiers influencing their choice and preventing full-fledged participation. The methodology includes quantitative and qualitative components. The findings show that low political participation and high electoral behaviour is influenced by formal and non-formal institutions, while formal institutions often apply non-formal means to communicate with/mobilize the electorate. This is mostly resulting from insufficient social integration and related problems making ethnic Azerbaijanis more vulnerable to political and electoral manipulations.

At the Crossroads of Identities: The Emergence of the Georgian Udi Community in the 20th Centu

Kavtaradze, Alexander

Original language: English
EJM 2025, pp 90-105
doi.org/10.35998/ejm-2025-0006

This paper discusses the issues related to the resettlement of a group of Udi people from Azerbaijan to Georgia in the early 20th century, establishing the first and only Udi village of Georgia, Zinobiani; the role of the first leader of the community, Zinobi Silikashvili; the prevalent views about Udis in various segments of the Georgian society at the beginning of the 20th century, the formation of the organisation tasked with aiding newly arrived Udis, and the gradual replacement of the Udi language by a dominant Georgian language and its consequences for the community in the following decades.

Language use among speakers of Tsova-Tush. A field study in the late 1990s

Vamling, Karina; Kobaidze, Manana

Original language: English
EJM 2025, pp 106-126
doi.org/10.35998/ejm-2025-0007

The paper presents earlier unpublished results from a field study conducted in Georgia in the late 1990s among speakers of the endangered Tsova-Tush (Bats) language (also Tsovatush, Batsbi). The aim of the study is to map patterns of language use and language choices in the family and local community in different settings and domains, to study the linguistic repertoire of speakers and how it develops. Based on written questionnaires, the study was conducted in the village of Zemo Alvani in the Akhmeta region of Georgia, where the majority of the Tsova-Tush population lives. The study spans generations of Tsova-Tush speakers from the beginning of the last century to the 1980s, showing the development from a situation with Tsova-Tush as the strongest language among the oldest generation having a firm position as the home language, to a higher fluency in Georgian in the post-war generation, followed by a clear decrease in the command of Tsova-Tush among the youngest generations.

The Repatriation Process and the Integration of the Returned Muslim Meskhetians in Georgia

Markozia, Kristine

Original language: English
EJM 2025, pp 127-137
doi.org/10.35998/ejm-2025-0008

In November 1944, Soviet soldiers deported over 100,000 individuals (in official documents: Turks, Kurds, Khemshins) from Georgian villages in the Samtskhe-Javakheti region to Central Asia via train. Subsequently, these individuals were dispersed across Central Asia, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Russia and the United States. A few Meskhetians deported from Samtskhe-Javakheti could return to their homeland of Georgia. Extensive scholarly research exists on the Muslim Meskhetians, primarily focusing on their history, ethnicity, and religion. Additionally, considerable attention is devoted to issues related to repatriation, which appears to be a paramount concern at this stage. The designation of this ethnic group within the social and political context varies based on geographical location. They are referred to as “Muslim Meskhs”, “Georgian Muslims”, “Meskhetians”, “Turkish Meskhetians”, “Muslim Turks of Meskheti”, and “Ahiska Turks”. This study contributes to the theoretical understanding of the repatriation process and the integration of the returned Muslim Meskhetians in Georgia.

The Abkhazians between Russia and Georgia. Reflections on the identity and ethnicity of a South Caucasian people

Feurstein, Wolfgang

Original language: German
EJM 2025, pp 138-168
doi.org/10.35998/ejm-2025-0009

The Abkhasians are one of the oldest indigenous nations in today Caucasus. Their history is deeply mingled with that of Georgia, the Kabardinians, the Ottoman Empire and, since the 19th century, Russia and later the USSR. Autonomous and partly also independent Abkhasian principalities ended with the annexation of Abkhazia by Russia in 1864 after a long bloody war against the Abkhasians as part of the “Great Caucasian War” (ca. 1830 – ca. 1878). More than 80 % of the Abkhasians got killed or lost their homeland, remaining in the Ottoman Empire/Turkey as refugees. After 1989 there was a bloody civil war in Georgia between Abkhazian separatists and the Georgian Government, which wanted to abolish minority rights after independence. Since 1993 there is a cold peace between Abkhazia – which is now a pseudo-independent State under the patronage of Moscow – and Georgia. The article also presents the rich culture of the Abkhasians and their particular language.

The imminent end of the cultural heritage of the Georgians and Laz people in Turkey. Nationalist state power and religious power-grabbing as a constant threat to South Caucasian ethnic groups

Feurstein, Wolfgang

Original language: German
EJM 2025, pp 169-189
doi.org/10.35998/ejm-2025-0010

The Georgian or Georgian-speaking minority in Turkey, as well as the Laz people, who also constitute the majority there and whose language is related to Georgian, are directly threatened with extinction, primarily by restrictive Turkish minority policies. In addition to the loss of their native language and regional identity in favor of Turkish, their rich and ancient cultural heritage is also affected by massive destruction, falsification, and repurposing. Both groups have been gradually converting from Orthodox Christianity to Sunni Islam since the 17th and 18th centuries.

The Circassians (Adyge) in the Shadow of the Kremlin: Identity and Resistance in Putin’s Russia

Özbek/Yediç, Gunef Saline

Original language: German
EJM 2025, pp 190-211
doi.org/10.35998/ejm-2025-0011

he paper examines the current situation of the Circassians (Adyge) in the Russian Federation under Vladimir Putin, focusing on the period since 2020. It analyzes the constitutional amendments of 2020, which enshrined Russian as the language of the “state-forming people”, as well as Russia’s withdrawal from the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities in 2023. The study highlights the marginalization of the Circassian language, the suppression of cultural practices and the denial of indigenous status to certain Circassian groups. Special attention is given to the 2014 Winter Olympic Games in Sochi, which took place on historically Circassian land, and the ongoing repression of Circassian activists. Despite increasing state control, the younger generation is developing new forms of cultural resistance.

The ethnic minority of the Transylvanian Saxons since 1918/19 in their struggle for ethnic identity and self-determination

Wien, Ulrich Andreas

Original language: German
EJM 2025, pp 212-220
doi.org/10.35998/ejm-2025-0012

Due to the privileges of the charter granted by King Andrew (“Andreanum”) in 1224, the Transylvanian Saxons were able to practice the right to self-administration and self-determination until the 19th century; this also applied to the Protestant denomination of the superintendency introduced in the 16th century. After the end of neo-absolutism, the Austro-Hungarian “Compromise” of the Dual Monarchy (1867) led to the end of self-administration and self-jurisdiction (“Eigenlandrecht” / 1583); Transylvania became part of Hungary. In the age of nationalism, the minorities of the multi-ethnic state were at the mercy of Hungarian chauvinism. Against this, the Transylvanian Saxons developed defence mechanisms, which also took effect in the 20th century when Transylvania fell to Romania in 1918. The expectations of the Transylvanian Saxons for recognition of their ethnic Self-Determination in accordance with the demands of US President Wilson were quickly disappointed. Demands for a statute of autonomy were put forward in 1938 by the Romanian-German National Socialists, who, supported by Germany and remotely controlled by the SS, were allowed to establish a quasi-autonomous “German folk group in Romania” (Deutsche Volksgruppe in Rumänien) in 1940. The Germans living in the country in 1945 were persecuted across the board as “Hitlerists”, 70.000 were deported to the Soviet Union for five years of forced labor, and the vast majority were expropriated and disenfranchised. Finally, the Romanian Germans were formally integrated into the socialist structures as a co-resident nationality. In contrast, the partially obstructed or politically marginalized church remained the unofficial anchor of ethnic identity. After 1989, the German minority lost around 90 % of its members due to emigration, but those who remained fulfil a bridging function between Romania and Western Europe. In democratic elections, Romanian Germans achieved high approval and votes far in excess of the group’s size.

Shifting Political Landscapes and Outbidding Effects in South Tyrol: Narratives of South Tyrolean Political Forces towards the Autonomy System

Carlà, Andrea

Original language: English
EJM 2025, pp 221-246
doi.org/10.35998/ejm-2025-0013

The 2023 elections for the South Tyrolean Council marked a turning point for the Italian province with its German- and Ladin-speaking populations and a sophisticated autonomy system. For the first time, the SVP, the party that historically represented German-speakers, lost its dominant position and was forced to create a broader governing alliance, involving for the first time a second German-speaking party and two right-wing Italian speaking parties, one of those being Fratelli d’Italia, the party heir to the Italian post-fascist tradition. Also of note is the electoral success of Südtiroler Freiheit, a party that prioritizes secessionist goals over autonomy. In light of these events, this paper analyzes how the autonomy system affected the relations at the political level between South Tyrolean linguistic groups and the evolution of the narratives of South Tyrolean political forces towards the autonomy system. To this end, this article examines the political discourses of relevant parties, taken from their respective electoral manifestos for the 2023 election, and selected previous programs, to highlight whether, how, and to what extent, perceptions over the autonomy system have changed over time. The analysis reveals the challenges, opportunities, and contradictions of South Tyrolean autonomy in times of change.